The representation of women in political life is both a measure and a driver of equality in society. In Northern Ireland, the number of women in elected roles has grown over the past few decades, but the pace of change remains slow, and significant barriers persist. This piece explores where we stand in terms of women’s political representation across the Assembly and local councils and examines the structural and cultural factors that continue to hold women back. It also reflects on what genuine progress must look like: not just more women but more diverse women in politics.
While Northern Ireland is still some way off achieving equal representation for women in politics, it has steadily and gradually increased the number of women elected since its first elections in 1998. At that time, just 14 women were elected, making up 12% of the 108 Members of the Legislative Assembly. Today, nearly 40% of seats at Stormont, 36 out of 90, are held by women. Although this marks significant progress, the situation in local government is far less encouraging, with women making up only 26% of councillors. In the most recent regional elections, not a single council area had an equal number of male and female candidates. Some wards, such as Ballymena, Downshire East, and Knockagh, had no women running at all. Women’s representation is increasing across the region, but the pace remains slow and inconsistent.
Unlike the Republic of Ireland, Northern Ireland does not have legislative gender quotas for Assembly elections. However, it has consistently returned more women to the Assembly than the Republic has to the Dáil. This raises important questions about the effectiveness of quotas and highlights the role that party culture, internal policies, and political will play in achieving gender equality. While a full analysis of the Republic’s system is beyond the scope of this piece, it is worth noting that quotas alone are not a silver bullet. Cultural and institutional change matters just as much.
To understand why Northern Ireland appears to be outperforming the Republic in this area, we must look more closely at who the women elected to the Assembly are and which parties they represent. Of the 36 female MLAs currently sitting in Stormont, 16 are from Sinn Féin, eight from the Alliance Party, and another eight from the DUP. The remaining four include two from the SDLP, one Independent, and one from the UUP. Sinn Féin accounts for 44% of all female MLAs, which is unsurprising given the party’s use of internal gender quotas and commitment to fielding gender-balanced candidate lists in every election. Although the Alliance Party does not have formal quotas, it has firmly committed to improving female representation. In the most recent polls, 44% of its candidates were women. Alliance now has eight women MLAs, representing around 30% of its seats. This is commendable, though it still falls short of Sinn Féin’s more striking results. These figures underline how internal practices such as candidate recruitment and cultural support shape outcomes.
Similar patterns are visible elsewhere. In Scotland, the 2021 parliamentary election saw women win a record 45% of seats. This success was primarily driven by using all-women shortlists and balanced candidate lists by parties like the SNP and Labour. Contrast this with the Republic of Ireland, where gender quotas legally require all parties to field at least 40% of women candidates. Yet only 25% of Dáil seats are currently held by women. The likely reason is that many parties appear to treat quotas as a box-ticking exercise, placing women in unwinnable constituencies with little support. These candidates are too often viewed as fulfilling a statutory obligation rather than being valued as serious political contributors.
In contrast, Northern Irish parties such as Sinn Féin and Alliance have shown genuine dedication to gender balance, which has paid off. However, it is essential to note that there are currently no women of colour in the Northern Ireland Assembly. While 40% of female representation is progress, it is not equality. If we eventually reach 50%, but every one of those women is white, cisgender, straight, able-bodied and middle-class, we will still be failing. True political equality must reflect the diverse reality of the women who make up Northern Ireland. Representation must be more than numerical; it must be inclusive, intersectional and meaningful.
While the obstacles to women’s participation in elected politics are complex and interconnected, they can broadly be grouped into three main areas: the incompatibility of elected office with the lived realities of womanhood, the confidence gap, and violence against women in politics. Other issues, such as access to funding or the challenges facing independent candidates, also play a role, but these three create some of the most visible and immovable structural barriers.
A stark example of the incompatibility between womanhood and political life is this: Stormont has always had a bar and a restaurant but never had a crèche. Although proxy voting was introduced recently, allowing MLAs to nominate a colleague to vote on their behalf during parental leave, there is still no formal maternity leave for elected representatives, as they are not classified as employees. Political work is also highly demanding, with long, irregular hours, late-night debates and constant travel between Belfast and constituencies. Several MLAs who have become mothers in office have spoken publicly about the lack of structural support. An Alliance MLA, Kate Nicholl, even brought her newborn into the Assembly chamber due to the absence of proper maternity provisions.
Beyond logistics, there is a confidence gap between men and women. Former Secretary of State Brandon Lewis shared an anecdote about recruiting candidates to stand for office. When asked, men usually said yes and returned paperwork promptly. Women, however, tended to doubt themselves, often listing reasons they were unqualified or not ready. They needed months of encouragement before committing. This matches stories I have heard from MLAs in Northern Ireland. Many women initially hesitated when asked to stand. It took a push from a friend, colleague or family member before they believed they could or should run. Politics still feels distant and exclusive, and many women wrongly assume that elected representatives possess special knowledge or credentials that they lack. In truth, the most valuable political traits are integrity, a commitment to community and a desire to make change, qualities many women already possess.
Violence against women in politics is a serious and growing problem. Northern Ireland remains one of the most dangerous places in Western Europe to be a woman. Female politicians are not exempt. In the most recent Assembly election, two women were physically assaulted while canvassing. Many more faced waves of online abuse. Two elected MLAs were targeted with deepfake pornography, a gross violation of privacy and dignity. One of these women, Cara Hunter, has spoken about the emotional toll and lack of justice she experienced. The threat of harassment and violence is something many women have to seriously consider before stepping into political life. Research by Glitch UK has shown that online violence against women is often more extreme and targeted when it comes to women of colour, disabled women and LGBTQ+ women. These women are disproportionately affected by abuse that is not only sexist but also racist, ableist and homophobic. In short, the more visible and vocal a woman becomes in public life, mainly if she is from a marginalised background, the more likely she is to be met with hostility.
This violence, whether physical, digital or verbal, silences women, deters participation and creates unjust and unequal barriers to public life. It weakens democracy itself by excluding the voices we need most.
Progress has undoubtedly been made in Northern Ireland. The number of women in the Assembly has grown, and certain parties have led the way in supporting gender-balanced candidacies. However, deep structural issues remain. From a lack of maternity support to a culture that discourages women from standing to the threat of violence, the path into politics is still much harder for women. And crucially, we must be clear that diversity is not just about numbers. Until our elected representatives reflect the full richness and complexity of the women who live here, including women of colour, disabled women, LGBTQ+ women and working-class women, we are not truly represented. The journey towards equality in political life must be deliberate, strategic and inclusive. We must not only open the door but also transform the room.
Aoife Clements is the founder and CEO of 50:50 NI, a campaign working to improve the representation of women in politics in Northern Ireland. She is undertaking a PhD in Law at Queen’s University Belfast, researching feminist legal theory and women’s access to justice. Her background is in law and anthropology, and she has previously worked with ActionAid Ireland, the UN High Commission on Human Rights, and the European Parliament Liaison Office. She has also contributed feminist political commentary across TV, radio, and print media in the UK and Europe.
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